Human
Rights Crimes Delicate Subject
By Bronwyn Eyre,
Special to the Saskatoon Star
Phoenix, November 26, 2011
The fourth Saturday in November, marks Ukrainian Famine and Genocide Memorial
Day in Canada. It’s been 78 years since Josef Stalin perpetrated the Holodomor
- the deliberate starvation of millions of Ukrainians - while the world turned
a blind eye.
Ukrainian-Canadian
groups lobbied hard to have the Holodomor recognized as genocide. The Harper
government did so in May 2008. Saskatchewan was the first province to do the
same, also in 2008, and similar legislation was subsequently passed by Alberta,
Manitoba, Ontario and Quebec.
The historic facts
are chilling. By 1929, Stalin - fearing Ukrainians’ growing sense of
independence - had 5,000 leading Ukrainian literary and cultural figures either
executed or sent to prison camps. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church was liquidated.
In 1932, food
procurement quotas for Ukrainian peasants were set so unnaturally high,
literally all their food was taken away by the State. A person could be
executed for stealing even a grain of
wheat from State-owned collective farms and the borders of Ukraine were sealed
off by police.
What’s puzzling is
why the road to recognizing the Holodomor as genocide has been so tortuous -
and why Ukrainians continue to face so much opposition.
Earlier this year,
some 200 international academics, from Harvard to Hamburg, took out full-page
ads in a number of newspapers, criticizing the Ukrainian Canadian Civil
Liberties Association and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress for the concerns
these organizations have raised about the appropriate
representation of the Holodomor in the Canadian Museum for Human Rights,
currently being built in Winnipeg.
Apparently, UCCLA and
UCC have also “distorted historical accounts of the Holodomor” by “inflating”
the number of victims to 7 or even 10 million.
“The implication is
obvious,” write the academics, who claim between 2.6 and 3.9 million died.
“Seven or 10 million is more than 6 million - the Holodomor deserves more
attention than the
Holocaust.”
That’s quite an
inference. The eminent British historian Simon Sebag Montefiore, who wrote a
definitive, critically-acclaimed biography of Stalin, The Court of the Red
Tsar, in 2003, puts the Holodomor numbers this way: “The death toll of this
absurd famine was between 4 to 5 (million) and as high as 10 million dead, a tragedy
unequalled in human history except by the Nazi and Maoist terrors.”
In other words, it’s
hard to say for certain. But suggesting more than 6 million died doesn’t make
you a Holocaust denier.
Of course, the
endless sparring over whose holocaust is bigger or smaller is precisely why the
Canadian Museum for Human Rights itself is a tricky proposition.
In a recent speech at
the University of Manitoba, CMHR president and chief Executive Stuart Murray
said that he doesn’t want the Museum to be a “centre for the commemoration of
genocides - a
museum not of human rights, but human wrongs.”
Instead, the Museum -
which will apparently house a floor commemorating the Holocaust and other
genocides and crimes against humanity - should inspire visitors to “better recognize
the actions that lead to rights violations” and “harness the power of their
stories.”
Murray asks how
Germany, for example, a “modern, advanced, democratic society,” could have so
quickly and violently collapsed into genocide.
But of course, Russia
wasn’t exactly un-advanced. After all, it produced Pushkin, Tolstoy and
Shostakovich, and its cities are replete with centuries-old architecture.
Defining the perfect
human rights crime, or criminal, can therefore be as difficult as defining the
perfect human rights victim.
Would those same
academics - who also criticize the UCC and UCCLA for glossing over the extent
to which some Ukrainian nationalists co-operated with the Germans during the
Second World War – take out ads criticizing the Arab Spring protesters because
some of them burn Israeli flags and destroy Christian churches?
Perhaps the best way
to “harness the power” of past human rights wrongs is to make sure we don’t
look the other way - and aren’t too selective about whom we criticize.
New York Times
correspondent Walter Duranty famously denied any Ukrainian famine was taking
place, which suited the world just fine.
In the film Harvest
of Despair, about the Holodomor, there is footage of a little girl found
wandering the outskirts of Kyiv. Asked what she was doing, she said she simply
wanted to die and be with her mother.
And those academics
dare tell Ukrainian Canadians they should “stay out of the debate” on the
Canadian Museum for Human Rights?
Isn’t that precisely
the sort of attitude that’s long been part of the problem?