The population census just completed in Azerbaijan and the one about to held in Kazakhstan open a new era for the post-Soviet states, one in which they are likely to discover just how political population statistics inevitably are.

Yuri Shokamanov, the deputy chairman of Kazakhstan's statistical administration, announced earlier this week that on 25 February, his agency will conduct its first census since the 1989 USSR count. Azerbaijan has just completed taking its first post-Soviet population census, and several other former Soviet republics will follow suit over the next two years. (Armenia and Kyrgyzstan intended to conduct censuses this year but have postponed them for financial reasons.)

But in making this announcement, Shokamanov did not call attention to just how dramatic a step his government's action really is or just how much controversy such undertaking are almost certain to generate.

For three reasons, these first post-Soviet censuses are likely to be especially controversial. First, there will be heated debates over just which questions to ask and equally which questions not to ask. Should the census-takers ask questions about ethnicity and nationality or only about citizenship? If they ask about ethnicity, the censuses in several of these countries are likely to reveal major shifts in the percentage of various national groups.

In Ukraine, for example, surveys suggest that the percentage of the population that will declare itself ethnically Russian is likely to be far smaller than the percentage that identified itself that way in the last Soviet census of 1989.

Such shifts would almost certainly have major and immediate political consequences, and thus there will be some who are likely to advocate that the census-takers avoid such questions. But if the census does not ask questions about ethnicity, there will similarly be consequences. Some ethnic minorities will undoubtedly conclude that they are going to be "swallowed up" or at least ignored by the dominant group. Thus, these minorities almost certainly will fight to include questions about ethnicity as a way to help preserve their status in the post-Soviet states.

Second, there are going to be political battles over which information to release and when. Because many people in the post-Soviet states retain their Soviet-era reluctance to provide full and accurate information to officials who ask for it, at least some of them are going to be concerned about the release of any information from the census. Some will undoubtedly argue that census data should be kept extremely confidential, lest their declarations come back to haunt them.

But at the same time, any efforts by officialdom to impose controls over the release of information from the census almost certainly will increase suspicions that the results have been distorted to benefit officials at the expense of the citizenry as a whole.

And third, there are going to be even more intense struggles over how the information gathered is used for political redistricting or for budgetary allocations. These last struggles are likely to continue well after the censuses are completed.

If the data gathered are used to change the size of electoral districts or to change the allocation of funds, those who would benefit will press for its release, while those who would lose will almost certainly oppose it. And if, as seems certain, these censuses prove to be incomplete-- journalists can be counted on to highlight cases where the census-takers have missed someone--then many people in this region are likely to look at any use of the numbers gathered as a political plot.

None of these fights is unusual. In the U.S., for example, questions about how to conduct the census in the year 2000 have already divided the Congress and sparked a series of closely-contested court cases--just as they did before earlier counts.

But because the post-Soviet states will be conducting these surveys for the first time and will almost certainly want to establish precedents that break from past and not always satisfactory Soviet practice, all these controversies are likely to be even greater. And thus something that on the face of it seems quite neutral--the counting of the population--could become one of the most contentious political issues across this region over the next two years.

NATO OFFICIALS EYEING UKRAINIAN TRAINING GROUND. Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksandr Kuzmuk gave a NATO delegation a tour of the Yavorovsky military training ground near Lvov on 12 February, ITAR-TASS reported. The delegation is from the alliance's Political Committee and is studying the use of the complex as a NATO Partnership for Peace training base. Yavorovsky is 50 kilometers west of Lvov and just 20 miles from the Polish border. Covering 42,000 hectares, it is reportedly the largest military training ground in Europe. A NATO spokesman said the base would be used strictly for the training of peace-keeping troops. He added that NATO is also considering sites in Slovenia and Macedonia. PB

COAL MINERS PROTEST IN UKRAINE. Workers from at least 78 coal mines have protested to demand back wages for several months, dpa reported on 11 February. Miners threatened blockades and mass demonstrations in Kyiv if their demands are not met. Timur Litovchenko, an analyst for the coal ministry, said "the coffers are empty. What we could give to the miners, we would have to take away from teachers and pensioners." The Independent Miners' Union said the same day that two miners were killed in Horlivka and Donetsk, bringing the total number of Ukrainian miners killed this year to 28. PB

MOLDOVAN PARLIAMENTARY CHAIRMAN SAYS MOSCOW VISIT 'PRODUCTIVE.' Dumitru Diacov, returning from Moscow on 11 February, told journalists that an agreement has been reached whereby Moldova will deliver goods worth $70 million in partial payment of its debt to Gazprom, RFE/RL's Chisinau bureau reported. Agreement has also been reached on convening a meeting in Odessa in April or May to discuss the Transdniester conflict. Representatives of Chisinau, Tiraspol, the Russian State Duma, the Ukrainian parliament, and the OSCE will attend the meeting. Diacov said his hosts assured him that a new version of the Russian-Moldovan basic treaty is currently being drafted to replace the 1990 treaty, which President Boris Yeltsin withdrew from the Duma. He added that the new version will be ready for signing in 1999, RFE/RL's Chisinau bureau reported. But he added that meetings with members of Duma committees were "tense" and revealed support for "Transdniester separatism." MS

Yuri Shokamanov, the deputy chairman of Kazakhstan's statistical administration, announced earlier this week that on 25 February, his agency will conduct its first census since the 1989 USSR count. Azerbaijan has just completed taking its first postSoviet population census, and several other former Soviet republics will follow suit over the next two years. (Armenia and Kyrgyzstan intended to conduct censuses this year but have postponed them for financial reasons.)

If the data gathered are used to change the size of electoral districts or to change the allocation of funds, those who would benefit will press for its release, while those who would lose will almost certainly oppose it. And if, as seems certain, these censuses prove to be incomplete--journalists can be counted on to highlight cases where the census-takers have missed someone--then many people in this region are likely to look at any use of the numbers gathered as a political plot.