SERIES 1
VOLUME 24 - SUMMARIES

page 77

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 1, No. 1, November 1942
(Resume)

The subtitle of this journal - "published by the OUN Leadership" - suggests that it was the official organ of the OUN Leadership. This first issue of the journal is 29x21 cm in size and consists of twenty-four pages of text set in type and four printed cover pages. The issue contains three OUN documents, three articles, announcements regarding the imprisonment of OUN members in Romania, short news items and publishers' notices. Among the latter are a bibliography of OUN publications for 1942, and advertisement for a postcard, commemorating the proclamation of the independent Western Ukrainian State, in 1918, "Commandments of an Underground newspaper" and an appeal to readers to disseminate the journal. On the title page is a photograph of Dmytro Myron, the OUN leader for Central Ukraine, who was shot by a Gestapo agent in Kyyiv (Kiev) on July 25, 1942. What follows is a summary of the most important material contained in this issue.

The first official OUN document published in this issue, titled "Fellow Revolutionaries, Members of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists", is a posthumous salute to Dmytro Myron, the OUN leader in Central Ukraine, who was shot by a Gestapo agent on the streets of Kyyiv. The announcement, dated September 1942, is signed by Acting Leader of the OUN, Maksym Ruban (Mykola Lebed). It is written in a sharply anti-German tone and calls for determined struggle against those occupying Ukraine.

The second documents is "Political Resolutions of the Second OUN Conference", which took place in April 1942. This is an important document, encompassing, in twenty-nine points, the strategy and tactics of OUN political activity during the period of German occupation of all Ukrainian territory. The author of the resolutions believed that the war would bring about the collapse of the German and Russian empires, which were fighting over Ukraine, and provide an opportunity to establish an independent Ukrainian state. For this reason, they considered that the most important task of the OUN was to build up an organizational network throughout Ukraine and , at the critical moment, mobilize the people for battle The resolutions give a good sense of OUN tactics with regard to different aspects of organized structures in various regions of Ukraine.

The third document, titled "Proclamation to the Oppressed Peoples of the East", is a call to the nations of Easter Europe and Central Asia to join in common struggle against German and Russian imperialism.

This short article is a salute to those who had fallen in battle with the new occupying power in Ukraine, the Germans. The author lists the following names of fallen OUN activists: Mykola Lemyk-Senyshyn, territorial OUN leader, who was killed in Myrhorod (Poltava oblast): Petro Shchpanskyi, an editor and OUN activist (Kyyiv oblast); Roman Matchak, OUN leader in Zhytomyr oblast: Vasyl Khoma and Mykola Kraus, OUN Leadership members in Zhytomyr oblast; Hanna Maksymets and engineer Serhiy Sherstyuk, Kryvi Rih OUN activists; Hryts Madsymyuk-Kaydash and Vasyl Brodych, Volyn OUN activists; Mykhaylo Lyubak, Bardakhivskyi and Vankevych, Crimea OUN activists, who were killed in Dzhankoy; OUN Leadership member Dmytro Myron and OUN activists Vasyl Shchyrba and Sandetskyi, who were killed in Kyyiv; Prof. Andriy Marchenko from Volyn, cooperative activist Dmytro Yatsiv, Dr. Oleksa Bandera and Vasyl Bandera (brother of OUN leader Stepan Bandera), workers' activist Yuliyan Petrenko, OUN activist Ivan Ravlyk and OUN (Melnyk faction) activist Olena Teiha, who were shot or tortured to death in prison by the Gestapo. The author also mentions that thousands of Ukrainians had been killed by the new occupying force in Ukraine, in particular, leading Ukrainian activists and professional people. The Germans were also massively killing Red Army prisoners-of-war.

The author calls on Ukrainians to not weep for the dead, but rather, to follow in their footsteps and organize resistance against the occupying power, in order to establish an independent Ukrainian state. P, Duma is a pseudonym used by Dmytro Mayibskyi, member of the OUN Leadership and editor of the journal Ideya i chyn.

This article is subtitled "The Ukrainian Nationalist Revolution against the Background of the New Imperialistic War". In it, the author presents an outline of the strategy and tactics which the OUN and the Ukrainian independence movement should follow under conditions of war. He says that the war creates now possibilities for establishing Ukrainian statehood. For that reason, every effort should be made to preserve, extend and strengthen a position to launch a broad political action. Under German occupation, a political vacuum has been created in Ukraine, which the OUN should make every effort to fill. The author elaborates a battle strategy, aimed at gaining control, politically and in terms of organization. of all of Ukrainian territory, in particular all the key centers, and winning the support of all classes of Ukrainian society - the intelligentsia, workers, peasants, army personnel and others. He focuses in particular on work among youth.

The author believes that imperialist Russia remains the main enemy of Ukrainian statehood. For that reason he advises the OUN to turn its attention primarily to this issue and organize a front of captive nations from within the Russian empire, in order to restructure that empire into independent nation states.

The article is reprinted from the 1942 Samostiyinist almanac, probably in order to honor the author, who was killed on July 23, 1942, in Kyyiv.

This is the main article of this issue of the journal; it is the longest and most detailed. In it, the author explains German occupational policy and German plans for the future with regard to Ukraine. Until the outbreak of the German-Soviet was, the German government did not take any position on the Ukrainian problem. Hitler's speech after the outbreak of war did not clarify the situation, but it did not bode well for Ukrainians. By July 1941 the Germans were arresting members of the newly-created Ukrainian government, headed by Yaroslav Stetsko; they demanded that he repeal his June 30, 1941 Proclamation of Ukrainian Statehood. This clarified German policy towards Ukraine.

At first, occupied Ukraine was governed by the German military administration. However, in August a department responsible for the occupied eastern lands was created, headed by Alfred Rosenberg. This department divided the occupied territories of the USSR into Relchkommissariats and sent in German officials and police. Ukraine, too was divided: Halychyna was joined to the so-called General-Government; most of the country became Das Reichskommissariat Ukraine; the front zone remained under military administration, and the so-called Transnistria region was joined to Romania. Thus Ukraine and other countries which had been part of the USSR immediately became colonies of the German Reich, administrated by one of its departments (the occupied countries of Europe were under the administration of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs). German officials were granted unlimited rights. Important decisions regarding internal policy were made in Gestapo offices,. The department head, Dr. Georg Keibrandt, tried to create a pseudo-scholarly basis for this German colonialism, producing brochures about the Goths and the historical "Germanic character: of the East.

Further, the author analyzes various aspects of German policy in Ukraine and comes to the conclusion that even during wartime the Germans are attempting to transform Ukraine into a colony. Taking advantage of the war, the Germans are trying to eradicate Ukrainians by various means - execution, economic plunder of Ukraine (so that people would die from poverty and epidemics), starvation of people mobilized to work in Germany (they were living in what could be considered concentration camps), extermination of prisoners-of-war by means of hunger and illnesses. All of these methods are described in detail by the author.

The author's real name is the Rev. Ivan Hrynyokh.

The author describes the Germans' merciless exploitation of the Ukrainian village, comparing it with the most terrible policy applied by the Soviets prior to the Famine of 1933. He illustrates his analysis with statistical data from the Mykolayiv oblast.

Out of two million hectares of land available for seeding, 1.6 million hectares were seeded in 1941, and only 1.3 million hectares in 1942, because the Germans confiscated almost all of the harvest and left no grain for the peasants or for seed. In the autumn of 1942, only half of the winter grain was sown. The Soviets, as they retreated, confiscated cattle, so that only 175,000 cows remained in the oblast. Then the Germans took 50,000 cows the next year and requisitioned almost all the milk still being produced. Similar unattainable quotas were put on other agricultural production. For example, beekeepers were obliged to surrender three kilograms of honey from each hive, and when they delivered, it, they were told to supply another three kilograms.

The real name of the author is Petro Duzhyi.

The last four pages of the journal contain short news reports and announcements, entitled "Under Romanian Occupation", which provide a list of fifteen people who were sentenced by a Romanian court in lassy to prison terms of three to twelve years. Only a 15-year-old youth, Ivan Rusnak, was given a shorter term of three months.

The news reports, published under the title "From the Printed Reel" and gathered from German newspapers, were chosen for their interest to Ukrainian readers. For example, there is a notice stating that in France, seventy-three "terrorists" had been shot killing Germans; another report says that in Serbia and Hercegovina, the Germans had killed three thousand partisans, Taking 970 prisoner. The news stories published in another section, entitled "News Reports from Various Sources", concern Ukraine directly. They were gathered from radio, the press, private correspondence, underground reports and the like.

page 128

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 2, No. 2, 1943
(Resume)

This second issue is 29-21 cm in size and consists of thirty-two pages of text and four printed cover pages. The journal's contents include three announcements from the OUN Leadership, six articles, a notification of executions by the Germans and a brief notice. Of the announcements from the OUN Leadership, two are signed by the Acting Leader of the OUN, Maksym Ruban (Mykola Lebed); the third is unsigned. The largest part of the journal, some twenty-three pages, is given over to three articles on ideological and political themes, and a commentary about the events of the war. There is also a polemical article (2 pages) and a section of brief news stories (3 pages). The title page bears a photograph of Ivan Klyniv ("Legenda"), who shortly before had been tortured to death by the Gestapo. On the inside front cover is the table of contents and a bibliography listing OUN publications for 1942-43. On the inside back cover are the following materials: "Document of Shame" - a reprint of excerpts from a German document, and "Warning" - a notice about the tactics employed by German political agents. The back cover page contains materials from OUN headquarters: "Commandments of an Underground newspaper", and "Friend" - an appeal to readers. The journal was prepared for print some time after January 20, 1943, for in the "News" section there are stories bearing that date. The following is a summary of the articles in the journal.

The first of these announcements is entitled "OUN Members! Ukrainian Nationalists!" and is posthumous salute to Ivan Klymiv, OUN leader of Western Ukraine, who was murdered by the Gestapo in a Lviv prison. The announcement, dated January, 1943, is signed by the "Acting Leader of the OUN, Maksym Ruban" (pseudonym of Mykola Lebed).

The second announcement, "Excerpt from the Speech of the Acting Leader of the OUN for 1943", was also issued in January, probably on the occasion of the new year. It is signed by the OUN Leadership and Maksym Ruban. The speech begins by paying respect to all the revolutionaries who were killed in battle and greeting those imprisoned in German prisons and concentration camps. Then sympathy is expressed to the families of the fallen, in particular the mothers who have lost children. The speech greets all revolutionaries who are carrying out dangerous assignments, the whole Ukrainian nation, and other nations which are fighting against the red and brown forms of imperialism, and encourages them to continue their struggle. There is also a passage in the speech condemning traitors who collaborate with those occupying Ukraine.

The third OUN announcement, "Warning", is not signed. It informs readers that there are many secret German agents, whose operations are followed by arrests or pacification.

In this section of the journal there are three separate lists of Ukrainian political prisoners who were shot by the Germans: near Chortkiv-Yaholnytsya, in Lviv, and in prisons in Central Ukraine. There is also a more detailed account of the Chortkiv executions and a commentary. The first list gives fifty-two names of people shot near Chortkiv, and includes the victims' professions. Most of them were peasants, but there was also one priest, two lawyers, three teachers, an engineer and some other professionals.

Only three of the twenty-eight political prisoners shot in Lviv are named in the second list.

The third list, "Ship by the Gestapo in Occupied Central Ukraine", provides the names of ten victims and the places of their execution. Four people were executed in Kryvyi Rih, three in Dzhankoy, in the Crimea, and one each in Valyavka, Zaporizhzhya and Stalino (Donetsk). All those who were shot were OUN activists who had fallen into the hands of the Gestapo.

The author of this article begins with an historic overview, then analyzes state and capabilities of the Ukrainian nationalist movement.

The revolution in Russia and Ukraine's brief period of independence in 1917-1920 awoke Ukrainians' national consciousness and aspirations; a sudden national rebirth occurred. The Bolsheviks responded to this development by a mass eradication of Ukrainian nationalist cadres: executions and deportation to concentration camp of the Ukrainian intelligentsia in 1929-1932; an artificial famine which killed millions of peasants in 1932-1933; and mass terror applied against nationally-conscious Ukrainians in the 1930's. This bled Ukraine white, and the effects are still being felt. The situation in those parts of Ukraine that are outside the USSR are better, for independence forces remained active there.

With the Germans came a new occupation of Ukraine that was no better than the Russian. However, control was weakened, and hopes and possibilities for organization grew. The underground OUN had an opportunity to organize people to fight for an independent factors: 1) the acceptance by the people of the progressive idea, 2) the strength of the revolutionary organization, and 3) the preparedness of the people to fight at the moment of decision for their own state. The philosophy of the Ukrainian resistance is progressive, for it favors the restructuring of colonial empires into independent states of individual nations, the cessation of collective farm serfdom and exploitation of workers and the granting of liberty to all people. The author believes that in spite of the hardships brought by the German occupation, Ukrainians would be able to build up a freedom organization throughout the country, and at the decisive moment, lead the people to battle for independence.

The author's real name is Myroslav Prokop.

The first goal of Ukrainian independentists is to build an independent state. A time of war, especially of total war, provides the opportunity to do this, for the empires which are fighting for Ukraine can be weakened. So far the possibilities for applying a Ukrainian foreign policy are limited, because the USSR and Germany are fighting for control of Ukraine, and their allies are tied to them by agreements. At this point Ukrainians have to rely on their own powers, that is on their own cohesiveness and organization, and on compatible forces outside of Ukraine. Among their natural allies are the captive nations within the USSR and nations conquered by Germany, and even the Russians themselves. for they do not enjoy any human rights in their own empire. Ukrainians view such an alliance of enslaved nations as the way to bring about an international order consisting of independent states of all nations of their own ethnic territories. With a change of fortunes in the war, the international situation could change, and the allies of Ukraine's enemies could become interested in cooperation with Ukrainians. The author analyzes various possible situations and advises how to apply international policy tactics in these situations. He advises never collaborating with Hitler's Germany, for it has compromised itself by terror against all European nations.

The author's real name is Myroslav Prokop.

The author of this article calls for a change in policy towards the national minorities of Ukraine. He says that so far, political activity has been taking place in Ukrainian circles only, in isolation from national minorities. No theory has been worked out regarding the proper posture towards other nationalities. Influenced by their neighbors, some Ukrainians simply ignore national minorities. others somehow tolerate them, some others favor assimilation, while still others want to expel them from Ukraine (misunderstanding the slogan "Ukraine for Ukrainians"). Recently, there has been an increase in support for German racism.

The author criticizes the above attitudes. He believes that the Ukrainian state is of concern to all citizens of Ukraine, including minorities, and that all should have equal rights. For that reason, he says, Ukrainian policy must come out of its ghetto and attract the cooperation of all national minorities. Chauvinism must by combated and tolerance fostered; rather than assimilating individuals, whole national groups should be won over for common action. The influences of German Nazism and the Russian "older brother" posture should to thrown off, and cooperation with non-Ukrainians should be encouraged in everyday life, in order to combat jointly economic exploitation and foreign occupation. In the author's view, this is an important political matter, and this sort of cooperation should become the life program for all citizens of Ukraine.

The author's real name is Omelyan Logush.

The author writes mainly about events on the German fronts and the situation in Europe. He comes to the conclusion that Germany's military strength is becoming exhausted. The German Suez offensive was broken in Africa and in Europe, In the Caucasus and at the Volga. the Germans are now retreating, and their allies have been shaken. Politically, things are even worse. by their application of sheer terror and coercion, the Germans have turned all the nations of Europe, over 350 million people, against them. The author thinks that the gradual collapse of Germany will begin.

The author's real name is the Rev. Dr. Ivan Hrynyokh.

This brief article argues against the OUN faction led by A. Melnyk, which, it says, "illegally" uses the name OUN and follows an "opportunistic policy". The author quotes some exerpts from Melnyk's memos to the German government and rejects the statements made in these documents.

This section contains brief news stories, most of them accompanied by editorial comments or explanations. The first account speaks of mass arrests of OUN members by the Gestapo during November and December, 1942. Among the people arrested were Ivan Klumiv and Yaroslav Strarukh. During the arrests, one Gestapo was killed, and in punishment, eighty Ukrainian prisoners were shot. Other news accounts tell of other mass massacres. For example, in Polissya, in the Zhabynka district (raion), the Germans burned down the village of Dermyovo and killed peasants for non-fulfillment of quotas. In the Rava Ruska district, they killed forty-five peasants in the village of Lyubycha Korolivska, because a barn burned down in the Liegenschaft. One of the news accounts cites figures given by E. Koch: four thousand trainloads of grain and 710,000 workers were taken to Germany at that time.

Most of the news stories relate to the actions of the Germans and their allies in Ukraine, but also speak of events in other countries. The accounts are derived from underground reports, foreign radio broadcasts and the occupational press. The news section takes up four pages of print.

Under this title, the editors reprint excerpts from instructions given to the German police, which illustrate the barbarism of German policy towards Ukraine. The instructions contain such things as "(2) Only four grades of school; next year, school should be closed"; "(7) Do not try to cure tuberculosis, typhoid. Close hospitals for the local population. Stop educating any more local doctors"; "(11) Whatever has a backbone, must have it broken. We want to bring up a nation of Knechtenvold [nation of servants]".

page 173

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 2, No. 3, 1943
(Resume)

This issue of the journal have been prepared for print in April, as the last dated news story is from April 9, 1943. The journal has thirty-six pages and contains the following materials: "Resolutions of the Third Conference of the OUNSD", four ideological or political articles, and two informational pieces. The issue ends with a brief OUN announcement, titled "Declaration", which calls on active members of the OUN to carry on their work and states that the raised right hand salute will no longer be used, because it is too similar to the German salute. The journal's title page is illustrated, and the inside from cover (not reproduced in our reprint) has the table of contents and a bibliography of OUN publications. The last page has editorial notices and features a logo.

This conference took place of February 17-21, 1943. The participants "put under analysis " the following Matters: "A. The current international situation, the positions of the warring sides, the positions of the captive nations, and Ukraine's current position in the world; B. The situation in Ukraine and the Ukrainian people's struggle over the last year, the strength of Ukraine's political forces and the OUN's role as leader of the Ukrainian people's national liberation struggle." The analysis of these points is contained in twelve points, which take up two-and-a-half pages of print. This is followed by a three-and-a-half page document of resolutions, twenty-one in all, which covers a wide range of questions relating to the political program and activity of the OUNSD.

The resolutions are, in fact, a new elaboration of the now former OUN program, and give evidence of an evolution of the OUNSD political doctrine. We see in this new program a radical shift from fight-wing politics to a democratic liberation nationalism. the new program recognized the rights of all nations to independent states on their own ethnic territories and calls for an international order based on this principle. Similar changes are also evident in points dealing with the rights of national minorities and the way to establish a social and economic order. During the time when this conference took place, the first armed UPA units were already active in Polissya, and one of the resolutions is devoted to his matter. Other changes or new approaches can be found in this document.

The author of this article examines Ukrainian-Russian relations in the following three area: the internal Ukrainian situation, Ukrainian relations with Russia, and the situation within he Soviet Union, or the empire, as a whole.

The author says that the Russian empire has grown deep roots into Ukraine. The Russians have wiped out the leading Ukrainian cadres, reared a legion of collaborators, colonized Ukraine with aggressive chauvinists, and bred in the people attitudes of fear, submission and orientation towards Moscow as the state center. Our task, writes the author, is to overcome these spiritual, social and political influences of the empire. We must cultivate an orientation towards Kyyiv, instead of Moscow; counterpoise to Russian despotism ideas of Ukrainian individualism and democracy, to beliefs in "internationalism" and the "older brother", the idea of sovereign rights for all nations, and so on.

Although he declares merciless war on Russian imperialism, the author emphasizes his positive stance towards the Russian people. He says that the Russians lack political freedom even in what is supposedly their own state, and they are obliged to make enormous sacrifices, fighting imperialistic wars and maintaining the empires. The author recognized the Russian's right to their own state on their national territory and says that Ukrainians and other nations of the former empire would cooperate with such a sate as equals. The author also declares that the Russian minority in Ukraine would have equal political rights and the right to unhampered social and cultural development.

The author says that the Russian empire has never had any attractive ideas and has always been a prison of nations. Shaken by the First World War, the empire began to fall apart. It was saved by the Bolsheviks, who put forward appealing revolutionary ideas. However, they compromised those ideas and created an even worse prison of nations, which was based on party officialdom, police terror, collective farm slavery, and merciless exploitation of workers and the intelligentsia. he author hopes that the Second World War will lead to the fall of the Russian Bolshevik empire. In preparation, he says, the captive nations of the Soviet Union should organize, in order to build their independent states on the remains of the USSR. The author is certain that such a development would also benefit the Russian people, for they would finally be able to live in peace and freedom.

The author's real name is Myroslav Prokop.

The author of this article gives an overview of Soviet policy in Ukraine and of the ideological and political theories that justify it. Soviet policy began with the conquest of Ukraine by the Red Army, which brought mass terror. Then came a brief period of relief - the NEP and "Ukrainianization". However, the Bolshevik quickly became fearful of the Ukrainian national rebirth, and returned to the old, and even worse, terror. The author mentions individual events in this progress: the trial of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (SVU), the Ukrainian Youth Organization (SUM), mass shootings of the intelligentsia, famine in 1933, mass deportations and executions during the 1930's. Soviet theories do not withstand logical analysis; they often need to be understood in the opposite sense. The brutal Rustication of non-Russians is called internationalism; slavery is called socialism; the executioner of Ukraine, Peter I, is called "Great", and Hetman Ivan Mazepa, a traitor. Even Taras Shevchenko and Lesya Ukrainika have been declared friends of Russians and of internationalism. The article is written in a sharp, polemical tone.

The German propaganda phrase, "New Europe", has never been defined, so it remains only a phrase. However, in his book, Mein Kampf, Hitler already made clear his eastern policy, which is now being put into effect. In Hitler's book, Eastern Europe was designated a space for colonization by the German race. In his "plan", presented to the British government in 1938, Hitler demanded "a free hand in Eastern Europe". This was also the aim of Ribbentrop's discussions with Poland. However, Hitler found himself having first to wage war in the West, and only later in the East.

Ukrainians, like other captive nations of the USSR, had illusions that Germany would help them liberate themselves form Russian slavery. The war and the German occupation shattered those illusions. The Germans dissolved the newly-established Ukrainian government, divided Ukraine into zones of occupation, sent in their own administrators, ad replaced the NKVD with their own, no-less-bloody, Gestapo. They began an economic exploitation of Ukraine and applied policies which mad things no better than they and been under the Soviets. The author goes on to discuss German plans for the future. Poland, Ukraine and neighboring regions were to become spaces for German colonization, the local population were to be eradicated or deported, or turned into slaves of the Germans.

Hitler's brutal policy, which treats Europe as a source of natural resources and its people as of secondary importance, has totally compromised Germany; all nations are now her enemies. Many Germans, too, are unhappy with this policy, and they realize that Hitler id leading them to the abyss.

The real author of this article is the Rev. Dr. Ivan Hrynyokh.

A note from the editor presents the author of this article as a representative of young people who were educated in the communist spirit and now have begun to fight for an independent Ukraine. The author admits that the Soviet system of education had had an influence on youth, because young people had been isolated from other ideas and could not oppose the system on their own. However, it is not possible to make janissaries out of people growing up surrounded by their own people. Among he factors having an influence on the education of youth were the family, the people around them, folk songs, culture, art and the whole community. In spite of the fear created by terror, young people learned about the death of peasants from famine in 1933 and about the arrests and deportations of fellow countrymen; they saw the poverty and injustice around them. So questioning young minds began to doubt and to ask the question: why is this happening ? And they rejected their Bolshevik upbringing. This happened in particular when no more Bolsheviks remained. However, not all young people could take up the battle for an independent Ukraine, for up to now they have not all been able to become acquainted with liberation ideas and link up with the liberation movement. The author is convinced that when the time is ripe, the "call of the blood" will be heard by them all and they will take up the fight for their people's freedom.

The author of this article recounts a conversation with a Ukrainian acquaintance who was living in Germany and became a member of the SS honorary guard that was guarding Hitler's bunker. In political lectures during training, the German officers hammered into the soldiers the idea that they were member of a superior race, which was destined to rule the world. They said that the ancient Greeks, Romans and all other who established stable sates were Germanic. The states collapsed when the Germans mixed too much with indigenous populations. Britain and the United States were Germanic empires, but they had fallen under Jewish influence. They had to be liberated from that influence. the Germans' present task was to conquer Eastern Europe, where there was wealth and slaves. In a century at most, Germans would increase their numbers from 100 to 400 million and would settle all of Europe. Slavs, who breed very quickly, would be deported and eradicated. History would evolve according to plan. The weaker nations were destined to be destroyed.

In spite of these teachings, Hitler's chosen did not manifest the "superior" qualities of their race. In daily life, their main interests were eating, drinking, women, card playing and the like.

This section presents brief news stores about happenings in Ukraine and events in the world of interest to Ukrainian reader. Many of these stories shed light on some matter, which makes them useful for researchers of that period. One of the items states that on March 18, the Germans shot 485 Ukrainian prisoners in Rivne, because some prisoners had killed a German official and a Dutch guard during their escape. The latest date on the news items is April 9, 1943.

page 216

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 2, No. 4, 1943
(Resume)

This issue of the journal must have been prepared for printing June or July, 1943, as the OUN Leadership's anniversary proclamation, which is published in it, is dated June 30. Also marking this anniversary is the title page illustration. However, the latest dates provided with the news published in this issue are in May. The journal, which is thirty pages in length, consists of four political and ideological articles, two information articles, the above-mentioned proclamation and some brief notes.

This proclamation is published to mark the second anniversary of the declaration, on June 30, 1941, of the revival of the Ukrainian independent state. It states that the declaration was met with great enthusiasm by the Ukrainian people. However, the Germans stifled this attempt at Ukrainian rebirth, arrested premiere Ya. Stetsko and other members of the government, divided up Ukraine with artificial boundaries and implemented a brutal colonial regime. The proclamation compared the German occupation to that by Russian Bolsheviks in 1917 and later, giving examples of the ruthlessness and barbarism of both powers. It states that recently, both of the occupying powers were experiencing difficulties in their war efforts, and had begun to court the Ukrainians, hoping to win their favor and be able to use them as cannon fodder (at this time, the campaign for the creation of the "Halychyna: division had begun). The proclamation calls on its readers not to support the powers of occupation, but to fight against them in the underground army in concert with other enslaved nations.

This article explains some of the resolutions of the Second and Third OUNSD Conferences and apples them to current events. The author begins with an analysis of the international situation, which leads him to conclude that the situation of the Ukrainian people is difficult and complex. The two empires - Hitler's Germany and Stalin's Russia - are waging war with the aim of turning Ukraine into a colony. Thus neither can be an ally of Ukrainians in their struggle for freedom. The other countries involved in the war are allied to one or the other of he empires, and for that reason, support their policies towards Ukraine.

In such a situation, Ukrainians can count only on their own political and military powers, as well as on those of other enslaved nations, who, like Ukrainians, are fighting for freedom. The author hops that the war will engender conditions which will make possible a victorious struggle for liberation by the enslaved nations.

Further, the author writes about the Ukrainian armed self-defense units, which were organized in response to the brutality of the German occupation and were operating in Volyn and in Central Ukraine. He believes that all the insurgent formations should unity under a single leadership and that the main goal of their battle should be an independent, united Ukrainian state. The author also condemns those Ukrainians who in the difficult time of war were collaborating with the occupying powers.

In the view of the author, the chief obstacle to the struggle for Ukrainian statehood is the political orientation of many Ukrainians towards foreign powers, in particular, Russia. The majority of Ukrainians lived for whole generations within the Russian Empire, in isolation from the rest of the world and deprived of political freedoms. This created an orientation towards Moscow as the center of political, cultural and economic life. People got used to the great spaces of the empire, its organization, customs, beliefs, theories and utopias; in the past, they had had "the little father, the tsar"; after the revolution, they had the idea of the proletariat. Anyone who protested or resisted these things was mercilessly persecuted or killed, while those who cooperated with the authorities had successful careers. This situation led to disillusionment, psychological impotence, denationalization. The most difficult period was that under the Bolsheviks, who eradicated all the active elements of the Ukrainian nation. Some Ukrainian activists outside the USSR also suffer from the illness of orientation towards foreign powers.

An important drawback to the Ukrainian cause is the fact that in Greater Ukraine, which until 1939 was part of the USSR, the population is poorly organized. The Soviet Russians physically eliminated all Ukrainian political and cultural activists, and the people have still not freed themselves of fear of NKVD terror and the psychoses of mass hopelessness. Recently, the OUN has made important political gains in those regions, and it is attempting to activate the population. Some organizations that are agents of Moscow also have influence in the area. Other Ukrainian political groupings are active only in Western Ukraine and abroad; they are not making any attempts to build up their organizations in Ukraine or lead the people in struggle against the powers of occupation, and for that reason, they have limited prospects.

Another obstacle in the struggle is the difference in mentality between "easterner" and "westerners", that is, Ukrainians fro Central Ukraine and those form Halychyna. in the eyes of the westerners, easterners are devoid of national consciousness, are Russified in their lifestyle, lack national pride, are oriented towards the lowest common denominator rather than striving for improvements, suffer from national inertness and so on. The faults of the westerners include lack of faith in the abilities of Ukrainians from other regions, and a provincial patriotism and self-love, which give rise to narrow political ideas and plans. The author believes that Ukrainian should be aware of their faults and try to correct them.

The real name of the author is Dmytro Mayivskyi.

In this article, the author examines Ukrainian-Polish relations over a thousand years of recorded history. Taking a polemical approach, he states that normal relations existed between the two nations only when both had independent states. However, when Ukrainians were made part of the Polish state, the Poles very quickly forgot about having promised equality, and implemented a brutal policy of discrimination and assimilation.

Halychyna first fell under Polish rule in 1349. Ukrainian nobles who opposed the new regime were killed or fled abroad and their lands were taken by Polish nobility. The rest were deprived of influence, except for some renegades who converted to Catholicism. Ukrainians living in cities son list their rights, whole foreigners were granted royal privileges. The same policy was applied in the rest of Ukraine after 1569 (the time of the so-called Lublin Union). At that time, Ukrainian nobles united with Polish ones as "equals" in a single state. But Poland canceled the former principalities and other offices, handed the "free" lands to Polish magnates and Ukrainian turncoats and introduced religious and national discrimination, which was further complicated by the advent of Church Union (1596) and persecution of Orthodoxy. For these reasons that state lasted for only seven decades, then was shaken by the 1648 uprising of Ukrainian cossacks led by Bohdan Khmelnytskyi.

The author reminds the reader of the brutality of this and later Polish-Ukrainian wars, which forever destroyed Ukrainian faith in the Polish state. Worst of all, the author believes, is the fact that having resurrected the Polish state in 1918, after 150 years of captivity, the Poles again set out to "conquer" Byelorussian, Lithuanian and Ukrainian territories and implement a policy of discrimination and persecution of national minorities. The attitude of Polish politicians did not change even after Poland was again destroyed by Hitler and Stalin in 1939.

The author believes that it is worthwhile to join with the Poles in a common struggle for freedom. However, he calls for caution, as Polish politicians have dreams of occupying Ukrainian territories.

The author's real name is Vasyl Mudriy.

The author of this article talks about young people living in regions of Ukraine which had been part of the USSR since the 1917-1920 revolution. In general, these young people have no Ukrainian national education, as they grew up during the period of NKVD terror, which included the elimination of the intelligentsia in 1929-1932, the mass famine in villages in 1932-33, the lawlessness of the Yezhov period during the 1930's and the pre-war NKVD terror in 1940-14. Ukrainian books and institutions were destroyed, teachers were killed and everyone involved in educating children, including parents, terrorized. The regime made every effort to indoctrinate the youth.

The author divides young people into the following four categories: (1) inactive young people, who are focused on their own private lives and interested only in surviving the hardships brought by German occupation; (2) energetic young people who look for happiness and forgetfulness in drinking, dancing and other diversions; (3) individualists who are resisting or reacting on their own - for example, the five girls from the Dnipropetrovsk region who committed suicide rather than go to work in Germany; (4) active young people, who are fighting for the political and human rights of their people. Unfortunately, many of these young people are under the influences of the Soviet Russians, and this is because they have not had the opportunity to become acquainted with the ideas of the Ukrainian liberation movement.

The real name of the author is Mykhaylo Paidovych.

This section of the journal provides information on the form of short articles on a variety of topics. An article entitled "The Fronts" speaks of the situation on the Eastern, African and Italian fronts and tells of the activities of Hitler's Finnish and Hungarian allies. "The German and the Soviet Forces" speaks about the demoralization that is evident at the German front in Ukraine. The Germans retreated from Kharkiv, Luhansk and Rostov almost without fighting. "Germany in Early Spring 1943" informs about the extreme hardships and the demoralization experienced by the Germans as a result of the prolonged war, police terror and bombings by the Allies. For example, in Essen, 150,000 people, almost half of the population, was living outdoors, in ruins. "Looking for Cannon Fodder" speaks of the Germans' attempts to fill out their army with non-German units, including those composed of Ukrainians. Mobilization is being done under the slogan "common battle against Bolshevism", but no political promises are being made. "Ukrainian Workers in Germany" tells of the terrible treatment of Ukrainian workers. The best-treated workers in Germany were those from "allied" countries - Italy, Romania, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, etc.; treated much worse were those from the occupied countries of Western Europe; treated very badly were those from occupied countries in Eastern and southern Europe - Poland, Serbia, the Baltic countries and Eastern Ukrainians; treated worst of all were so-called Ostarbelter, workers from the USSR, whose living conditions differed little from those in German concentration camps.

This article provides information in brief "From All Regions of Ukraine" and from the press - "Press Review". It mentions such things as the German policy with regard to the Churches, the penetration of the Gestapo by NKVD agents, the deportation of 100,000 people from Luhanske province to work in Germany and so on. Some of the news comes from Volyn where an armed resistance has begun to operate. In that region, the Germans had overcome the Ukrainian Schutzmann unit, which was carrying out guard duties, disarmed them, took them to Germany, imprisoned and even shot some, so many of them fled to the UPA. The Germans burned the village of Remel and murdered 600 peasants; in Zhytomyr they shot 120 in revenge for the killings of two Germans; in Kremynets they shot 40 arrested Ukraine, the activities of Soviet partisans and the situation in general.

page 258

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 2, No. 5, 1943
(Resume)

This issue of the journal was prepared for print some time in November 1943, for the latest date on the news published in it is November 6. It consists of twenty-four pages of text plus printed cover pages. The most important piece published in this issue, taking up ten pages of print is titled "Resolutions of the Third OUN Extraordinary Grand Assembly", which took place on August 21-25, 1943. The journal also includes three theoretical-political articles, brief information pieces and some notices. Following are summaries of the most important materials.

The resolutions are presented in three sections - an introduction entitled "Two Years of Struggle", then "Program Resolutions" and "Political Resolutions". The first and third sections, we are told, consist of selected texts. What made this assembly unusual is that it codified the OUN's change of position from that of favoring a single party system, to that of poetical pluralism. Also changed to this time were the OUN's political, economic and social programs. The basic thrust of the political program became the struggle for independent states of all the enslaved nations of the world and full political and social rights for national minorities. Guarantee of freedom was to be found in the equality of all citizens before the law and free elections. In the economic sphere, the authors suggest a radical reform the law and free elections. In the economic sphere, the authors suggest a radical reform of the Soviet system with the new system being based on a combination of private, cooperative and state ownership, a free market, and the removal of privileges from party members of other groups. The system of land ownership, security of employment for workers, engineers, intellectuals, etc., is set out in detail. Also worked out in detail in the social program, which includes free medical care, care for women, youth and other groups within the population.

The resolutions passed at this assembly became the basis of OUN's political program in Ukraine. Later assemblies only "clarified" or added to the program, and underground publicists strove to complete it theoretically.

The author believes that an extraordinary international situation is brewing, which will give Ukrainians and other nations the chance to win their freedom. He discusses what the strategy and tactics of the struggle for freedom in these circumstances should be.

After defeat at Stalingrad and in Africa, he says, Germany is headed for collapse. The USSR plans to grab the Dardanelles and at least part of Europe. This may lead to a conflict with Britain, which will not allow Russian hegemony in Europe. Even should such a conflict not occur, revolution may break out within the USSR before the end of the war.

Ukrainians must be ready for such eventualities; they should have the idea of an independent state and be organized and united under an authoritative nation-wide leadership. Some steps have already been taken in this direction: Ukrainians have a program for the future Urkainian state, as well as a strong armed underground and army (UPA). However, the present armed struggle does not cover all Ukranian territories or include all classes of society, nor are all political forces yet united. The author focuses most of his attention on matters which call for improvement.

The real name of the author is Mykhaylo Palidovuch.

In this article, the author describes the origin, growth and activity of UPA units in Volyn and Polissya. In his view, he UPA was formed because of the need to defend the population from the terror of Soviet partisans and German police units. At the end of 1942, the Soviets sent into the forested regions of Volyn their parachutists and partisans, who were to destroy German supply lines to the front. To keep themselves alive, the Soviets robbed peasants of clothing and food. In retaliation, the Germans burned Ukrainian villages and massacred the inhabitants - for example, this happened in the villages of Krutylisy, Tsuman and others. To carry out these punitive actions, the Germans tried to use police and guard units composed of Ukrainians. When they refused, the Germans disarmed them and imprisoned or shot them. This lad to mass desertions by members of these units to the UPA. At the same time, the Germans began to carry out mass arrests of workers and intellectuals, who also were escaping to the UPA.

The first UPA units originated in 1942 from small self-defense groups that had been formed in order to defend villages from various bands, Red partisans and Germans. As German terror increased, they grew, taking in refugees from German terror. The UPA Supreme Command was organized, along with commands for military regions and territorial administrations. Along with the UPA, units were organized, composed of people from other Soviet-dominated nations, who saved themselves from German prisoner-of-war camps by serving the Germans and were now deserting to the UPa. In early spring, the UPA began offensive operations, destroying German administrations in villages, releasing prisoners, Soviet prisoners-of-war, Ukrainians taken for work to Germany, etc. During the summer months, the UPA broadened its activities to include all of Volyn and Podilya right up to the Dnipro River, and it grew in strength; for these reasons, the author views it as the nucleus of a future Ukrainian army.

The author's real name is Rostyslav Voloshyn. He was an UPA organizer in Volyn, a member of the OUN Leadership, and later, the UHVR General Secretary of Internal Affairs.

The author discusses the need and importance for the liberation of a nation of having its own army. He believes that Ukrainians lost the liberation struggle of 1917-20 mainly because at that crucial moment they lacked an army which could defend their young state.

The author believes that circumstances are again approaching which will give Ukrainians the chance to throw off the foreign yoke and renew their own state. To do this , an army will be needed. As at present, such an army cannot be organized openly, it must by organized underground. The nucleus of such an army already exists - it is the UPA. The activity of the UPA must be broadened to include all regions of Ukraine; it must build up all types of armaments and all services. For the present, UPA activity should be limited to defending Ukrainians from enemy terror and to training. In due time, this army will strike with its full strength to defend the reborn Ukrainian state.

This brief article provides information about UPA propaganda carried out among foreign soldiers serving with the Germans, in particular, non-Russian former Red Army Soldiers. The article cites from leaflets circulated among Turkmen and Georgians and comments on them. The leaflets remind the soldiers of the enslavement of their nations by the Soviet Russians and call on them to join the battle for freedom against both Stalin and Hitler.

This section gives brief information about major events occurring in Ukraine and the world. The data was gathered by the underground from the press and from German and foreign radio broadcasts. Information is given under the following headings; "Central and Easter Ukrainian Territories", "Under Romanian Occupation", "North-Western Ukrainian Territories ", "Western Ukrainian Territories", and "Events of the War".

page 282

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), 1944
(Resume)

This is the shortest issue of the journal, being only sixteen pages in length . It contains two official proclamations, two articles a memoir and brief news reports about events of the day.

Published first in the journal is an official commemoration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Act of Union of the Ukrainian National Republic and the Western Ukrainian National Republic into a single state on January 23, 1919. The document is entitled "From Now On United". It is written in an emotional style and emphasized the historical importance of the union of Ukrainian territories into one single state.

This proclamation, dated January 1, 1944, is dedicated to the armed struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). It begins by examining the existing political situation. The Second World War was being fought for control over the world, including Ukraine. Ukraine was being ruined by the war operations. Furthermore, both occupying powers, Bolshevik Russia and Nazi Germany, were taking advantages of the war exterminate Ukrainians as a people. Both occupiers were using Ukrainians as cannon fodder.

1943 was notable as the year in which Ukrainians began a struggle for liberation in the ranks of the UPa and the Ukrainian People's Self-Defense (UNS). The present task of that struggle was to defend the population against physical extermination and economic plunder. The strategic goal of the armed struggle was to build up a Ukrainian army and coordinate the Ukrainian armed struggle with the struggles waged by other captive nations, in order to transform the imperialistic war into a war of national liberation of all captive peoples.

The proclamation calls on Ukrainians to build up their armed forces, organized the defense of villages and cities, foster among the population belief in their ultimate victory and endurance under difficult conditions. The proclamation assures the Ukrainian people that the OUN will always be with them in their struggle.

This conference took place in November 21-22, 1943, in Kremyanets county in Volyn. Taking part were representatives of thirteen nations of the USSR, who were serving in their national units on UPA-help territory. This conference created an action coordinating committee and issued various documents, including this proclamation.

In the general address, titled "Dear Brothers and Sisters", the proclamation characterizes the war as an imperialistic war, in which both Bolshevik Russia and Nazi Germany are fighting for the enslavement of small nations. Both empires are ruthless and brutal. For that reason, for the nations of Eastern Europe and Asia there was no way out, but to organize themselves and fought in a common front for freedom. The proclamation mentions that in many countries of occupies Europe and in many republics of the USSR, armed struggle is being waged against the occupying powers. this struggle needs to be straightened and waged in unison, so that it could become a powerful force.

The proclamation also contains separate addresses to Red Army soldiers, workers of war factories, solders in foreign battalions of the German Army (made up of former prisoners-of-war) and the working intelligentsia. Red Army soldiers are called in to establish national-based units and turn their weapons against the imperialists. A similar appeal is made to workers to war factories: they should hand over weapons to the insurgents and rise up against their oppressors. Soldiers in foreign battalions of the German Army are advised not to fight against the insurgents, but on the contrary, to help them or come over to their side, bringing weapons. And the working intelligentsia, according to the proclamation should work for their people and lead their nation's struggle for freedom.

In this article the author discusses what should be done in the case of a re-occupation of Ukraine by Bolshevik Russia. As early 1943, the Soviets were again occupying various provinces of eastern Ukraine. Reports from these regions paint a gloomy picture. Behind the Soviet Army come large NKVD detachments, which organize mass terror, directed against the Ukrainian people. They are staging mass executions by shooting those accused not only of being "German collaborators", those who had been part of the administration and police during the German occupation, but also of being self-aware, conscious Ukrainians. All men above the age of sixteen are being mobilized and without any proper training, are then sent to the front to face mass extermination. Women are being herded to collective farms and forced to rebuild destroyed factories. The whole population is on starvation rations, as the administration was taking everything away for the state and for the front. Thus the Ukrainian resistance is faced with the question of how to defend the people against annihilation and how to continue the struggle for freedom.

Analyzing the international situation, the author comes to the conclusion that the Allies have already broken Germany's military might. It is only a question of time when Germany will be finally defeated. The author considers two possible developments in future international relations: (1) There could be a conflict between the Western Allies and the USSR. The reason for the conflict would be Stalin's desire to seize at least half of Europe, which would threaten the balance of power in Europe and pose a threat to Great Britain. (2) The USA and Britain could allow Stalin to gain control of Europe, in which case many free European nations would find themselves under the Russian boot. Given either of these two developments, Ukraine would still have a chance to continue its liberation struggle. Even if Stalin were to grab half of Europe, the situation would not be worse, than at present. The newly-enslaved nations would struggle for their freedom and Ukraine would thus have new allies.

The author believes that armed struggle against the Germans should be limited to necessary forms of self-defense. The Germans are no longer a threat to Ukraine. Instead, all forces should be turned against Soviet Russian, which was taking advantage of the war, in order to physically annihilate the Ukrainian people.

The writer's real name is Mykhaylo Palidovych.

The author compares Ukrainian-Polish relations to the behavior of two peasants, who disputed for so long over the boundary of their properties that they had to sell them to cover court costs. Then they were obliged to go to work for someone else. This is what happened to the Ukrainian and Polish states in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and again during the period of the Russian revolution in 1917-1920. And it appears that in future it would happen again. although both nations are under the German boot and are being threatened with enslavement by the Russians, a new Polish-Ukrainian conflict has broken out. This will lead to further enslavement of the two nations.

The author takes the position that only mutual cooperation and an alliance between Poland and Ukraine could ensure for these nations lasting peace and freedom. This would also ensure freedom to other small nations of Eastern and Central Europe. for that reason, Polish and Ukrainian leaders must come to reason and instead of the traditional enmity, foster friendship and cooperation. The author makes a particular appeal to Polish political circles to change their attitude. The Poles want not only to take for themselves large areas of Ukrainian territory, but to deny totally the Ukrainian's right to statehood. It is understandable that Ukrainians can not agree to such treatment. The author believes that this situation must change. Political leaders of the two nations have to realize that their future lies in friendship and cooperation and that they must strive for those goals.

The real name of the author of this article is Mykhaylo Palidovych.

These are the memoirs of a Red Army soldiers who was mobilized in the Dnipropetrovsk oblast. He spent two weeks there undergoing training, them was assigned to a unit of mine throwers. He fought his way across the Dnipro River near Kremenchuk, spent two weeks taking part in offensive operations. then found himself behind German lines. The author describes some of his experiences and talks about the chaos reigning in the Red Army, the lawlessness of the NKVD, relations among soldiers from different nations, anti-Semitism and the like.

page 318

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 3, No. 7, 1944
(Resume)

This volume begins with a "last-minute" announcement about the death of the editor-in-chief of Ideya i chyn, Mykhaylo Palidovych ("Karpatskyi") on May 26, 1944. The announcement was signed on May 28 by the OUN Leadership. We can assume that by that time this issue of Ideya i chyn was ready for print. More detailed information about Palidovych is announced for the following issue of the journal. This issue also contains a notice with photographs about the deaths of Ivan Klymiv, member of the territorial (krai) OUN Leadership for South-Eastern Ukraine, and Teodor Dunets ("Maksym"), technical director of the underground press, code-named "Praha". This issue has twenty-four pages and consists of four articles and some brief news stores. The following are summaries of the articles.

The author begins by asserting that bolshevism is a form of Russian imperialism. However, Stalin aims even further than Tsar, to rule the whole world; internally, his goal is to rapidly assimilate or to destroy the captive nations.

In the ideological and poetical sphere, the Soviets are attempting to demoralize and subvert the captive nations, branding their struggles for freedom as foreign intrigues. These same tactics were used y the tsars. For example, Peter I declared Hetman Ivan Mazepa a traitor. The Bolsheviks now accuse Ukrainian independentists, especially the OUN, UPA and UNRA formations, of serving the Germans. The author reviews the history of the German-Ukrainian conflict from the Act of June 30, 1941. in order to demonstrate how consistently Ukrainians had fought against German occupation. He ends with the assertion that neither Ukrainians nor other nations will believe the Russian Soviet lie.

In the sphere of action, Russian imperialists struck at the leading Ukrainian elements, in order to plunder Ukraine and gradually assimilate the people. The tsars eliminated only leaders and "rebels", but even the ordinary population. The author cites the following examples: executions in prisons, and deportations and killings of people in Siberian concentration camps. Most recently, there have been mass arrests and murders of people for fabricated "collaboration with the Germans"; sending mobilized men to the front without any training or weapons to face German machine guns; and deportations and executions for collaboration with the UPA.

The author's real name is Myroslav Prokop.

the author of this article begins by asserting that all the nations of Central and Easter Europe are threatened by German and Russian imperialisms, and for that reasons, should fight together for independence. This idea is the cornerstone of Ukrainian liberation policy, more specifically, of OUN policy. Ukrainians have tried to establish joint action with Poles, but so far, have not been successful. In fact, Polish-Ukrainian conflicts have worsened. For this, the author blames the Polish political leadership.

Right-wing Polish groupings do not even recognize the Ukrainian's right to their own state. More progressive groups recognize this right, but regard western Ukrainian territory as part of Poland. On this territory, Polish partisans of all leanings have been fighting indiscriminately against nationally-conscious Ukrainians, especially political activists. Large numbers of Poles have been working in the German apparatus of occupation and combating Ukrainians both secretly and openly through German channels (the Gestapo, different police units, the administration, enterprises). At the same time, Poles have been collaborating with Soviet partisans, waging joint actions against Ukrainians. And since early 1942-43. In Volyn, where the Ukrainian police has been deserting to join the UPA, many Poles have joined German police units and have engaged in brutal destruction of Ukrainian villages. In Polissya, Poles have also collaborated with Soviet partisans. The author gives brief descriptions of a number of Polish actions, which supported his accusations.

At the end of the article, the author threatens punishment of Poles who take armed action against Ukrainians. He rests on the position that Poles living on Ukrainian territory should be loyal to their masters, the Ukrainians, especially when the latter are fighting for their freedom.

The author's real name is Myroslav Prokop.

The author points out that the press and other media have been talking for over two years about an Allied invasion of Western Europe, but only now does it appear that the Allies are preparing a landing. The author speculates about the Allied plans and considers four possibilities. The first is that the Allies will make their landing from the Atlantic. They will attempt to break German resistance and move rapidly as far as possible to the East, in order to prevent the Red Army from going far into Europe. The author believes that Britain, in particular, would not allow the USSR to dominate in Europe. The second possibility is that the landing will take place with a small force, for purposes of propaganda, while the Allies in fact wait for the Soviets to exhaust themselves further. The third possibility is that the landing will be just a diversionary maneuver, to pull German forces away, while the main strike is made into the Balkans. The secondary aim of this plan would be limit even further the Red Army's movement into Europe. The fourth and final possibility is that the Allies will open a second front, suffer enormous losses, and Stalin will succeed in seizing all of Europe. The author immediately rejects this possibility, for the Allies have all they need to make an intelligent plan. He concludes that the invasion, its time and place will be the litmus test of the alliance of the Western Allies and the USSR.

This brief article describes the situation on the Ukrainian territories through which the front was moving. The author says that right to the end, the Germans behave like an occupying power. While they retreat, they destroy all they can, leaving behind ruins. They regard the UPA as an enemy second only to the Red Army. Soviet propaganda, until the Red Army crossed the Dnipro River, spoke mainly about the welcome given to the Red Army by the populations of the "liberated regions". Now it is viciously attacking the UPA and "Banderites", and Soviet planes are dropping anti-UPA leaflets into the areas from which the Germans retreat. On the territories they enter, the Soviets behave like an army of occupation. They are destroying graves, crosses, monuments, inscriptions and other national treasures. Red Army soldiers are stealing clothing, food and cattle, searching for hiding places, raping women. The Soviets quickly organize their administration and immediately mobilize all men aged eighteen to fifty-five. Then they impose quotas on the villages, etc. The author also complains about Poles living on Ukrainian territory, who first collaborated with the Germans and now collaborate with the Soviets, and speaks of the most recent incidents of destruction of Ukrainian villages by the Polish armed underground in the Kholm region.

These news stories are divided into two sections: "From inside the Country" and "From Abroad". The first section contains brief accounts of events that took place on Ukrainian territory, particularly skirmishes with various forces of occupation (Germans, Soviets, Polish underground units) and terrorist actions against the Ukrainian population. The second section presents political news stories from abroad, which were taken from foreign radio broadcasts or from the German press or radio.

page 368

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 3, No. 8, 1945
(Resume)

This issue of the journal begins with a notice from the OUN Leadership about the death on August 22, 1944, in battle with the NKVD, of the General Secretary of Internal Affairs of the Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council (UHVR), Rostyslav Voloshyn ("Horbenko", "Pavlenko"), who was also a member of the OUN Leadership Bureau. The notice provides information about his political activity. There is also a notice about the death of the journal's editor-in-chief, Mykhaylo Palidovych ("Karpatiskyi", "Khersonets", "Moryak", "Denys"), and a list of 68 notable underground activists, including 10 UPA officers, who had been killed over the last two years. There are also four longer articles and some brief news about important events. The length of the journal is 36 pages.

This article discusses the general situation in Ukraine under renewed Soviet occupation. Although written in a sharp polemical tone, it contains much information and its analysis of the empire's "new" ideology with regard to Ukraine was original for its time.

The author mentions propaganda gestures made by the Soviet authorities towards Ukraine, such as the establishment of a Commissariat of Defense and External Affairs within the "government" of the Ukrainian SSR, and shows that they, like all similar moves to give "rights" to the republic, are hollow and fictitious. Just as hollow and false are the claims made about social and political improvements in the USSR. Soviet rule has brought with it a return to serfdom in the form of collective farms; the population is deprived of all rights and workers are being exploited. Under the pretext of punishing those who collaborated with the Germans, massive terror has been applied against all nationally conscious Ukrainians. Mobilization into the Red Army is used as a means of exterminating Ukrainians, because recruits are being sent to the front without being properly armed or trained.

Next, the author discusses the rebirth of great state Russian nationalism during the wartime period. Not only have traditional Russian uniforms, decorations and military ranks been revived, but "socialist ideas have been replaced by Russian chauvinistic thinking". For example, there has been a return to traditional Russian historiography; Russian military leaders and tsars, even Ivan the Terrible, are constantly praised. the history of Ukraine and other enslaved nations is being crudely falsified. Russian conquest of other nations is characterized as progressive, a form of defense and assistance. The administration of all republics has been totally centralized. The author terns the Soviet system "great Russian state capitalism", controlled by a clearly defined "class of exploiters", composed of leaders of the Party and state apparatus.

The author's real name is Mykhaylo Stepanyak. At the time he was a member of the OUN Leadership. He was a native of the Stanyslaviv oblast, a lawyer by profession, and was before WW II an Activist of the Communist Party of Western Ukraine.

This article informs about the establishment of the Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council (UHVR) and especially, about its constitutional documents - "The Platform of the UHVR", "The Structure of the UHVR," "The General Proclamation of the UHVR" and "The Appeal of the UHVR to All Our Countrymen Who Have Deported from Ukraine or Were Obligated to Leave Their Native Land". The author cites at some length from the more important sections in the documents. For the less important, he provides a brief summary. His main focus is placed on "The Platform of the UHVR", which explains the UHVR's political program.

This article is important because it appear in the journal of the OUN Leadership, and thus reflects the OUN Leadership's official position towards the UHVR. It finds the formation of the UHVR "the great historical event of the last quarter century", and takes a positive view of the UHVR's political program, which although less radical than the OUN program on social issues, did put more emphasis on democracy as the political system of the future Ukrainian state. Speaking on behalf of the OUN, the author of the conclusion wishes the UHVR success in solidifying its role as leader of the struggle for a Ukrainian state.

The author of the piece about the UHVR is Mykola Duzhyi. He was a historian, UPA captain, community activist and editor of popular and scholarly publications. At the time of the liberation struggle, he was a member of the OUN Leadership, as well as of the UHVR, and a member of the UPA Supreme Command.

In the view of this article's author, the transplantation of Marxism to Russian soil was unsuccessful. In Russian socialism took on the qualities of Russian autocracy, chauvinism, Messianism and other features of the Tsarist empire. Workers and peasants have been deprived of rights and turned into poverty-stricken serfs of state capitalism. Other ideas of socialism, such as internationalism, equality, freedom and democracy have disappeared or become nothing more than propaganda rhetoric. The dominant slogans of the Soviets reflect the traditional ideas of the Russian empire. as seen in the revival of the ideas of Russian militarism, pan-Slavism and Orthodoxy.

However, the Soviets are maintaining the external trappings of socialism, in order to make use of them internally and externally. Thus, the ideas of internationalism and unity of the proletariat are used to justify the policy of Russification and suffocation of the enslaved nations. The ideas of class struggle and the struggle for freedom of colonial peoples are only for "export", in order to organized Communist parties dependent on Moscow, aimed at establishing the capitalist countries. These external trappings allow the USSR to convinces naive foreigners that it is a worker state, whereas, in fact, in the words of the author, it is along with Germany, "The most totalitarian state in the world".

the author's real name is Dmytro Mayivskyi. A teacher by training, he became known in the underground as a talented organizer, innovative political publicist and editor of underground publications. At the Third Grand Assembly of the OUN he was elected to membership in the OUN Leadership Bureau.

This information article is divided into two parts. In the first part the author gives a general review of the Kremlin's policy towards Ukraine in the post-war period and its battle against the Ukrainian armed resistance. In the second part, he provides a chronology of the UPA's battle operation. his descriptions of individual encounters are very brief, but provide the most important information, such as the date, place, strength of the two sides, character of the encounter, its result and so on. The period covered is from March 1944 to the end of the year.

Since the return of the soviets to Ukraine, the "government" of the Ukrainian SSR has launched a wide-scale campaign of expressing "thanks from the Ukrainian people" to the Soviet "government" and to the "great Russian people" for liberating them from the Germans. The Russian empire and the "superior" qualities of the Russian people are being constantly praised. In essence, these racist theories do not differ from those of Nazi Germany, although they are masked by Marxism terminology. While this propaganda is being voiced, the NKVD, under the pretext of battling against German collaborators, is persecuting on a mass scale nationally conscious Ukrainians, who are being imprisoned and executed in large numbers. Recruits into the Red Army are sent to the front without proper armaments or training, where they face total destruction. The methods applied by the NKVD on the territory of the UPA's operations are particularly barbaric. NKVD raids on villages and forests are accompanied by acts of terror against the civilian population, with killings, plunder, destruction and burning of property. The courts apply the death penalty widely and mass executions are taking place. For example, in the town of Vysotske in Volyn, over 100 prisoners were hanged during a single day. The principle of collective responsibility is being widely applied, not only with regard to the families of the "guilty" person, but even to their friends, acquaintances and whole villages or towns. Families of resistance members and of those, who supported them are being deported to Siberia in huge numbers, where they die in large part from cold, hunger of slave labor. The fate of Ukrainian deportees form Poland is similar. They were often forced off their farms barehanded by the Polish army, and in their new places of settlement they were given no help. The author supports his arguments with facts taken from underground reports or direct observation.

The author real name is Petro Duzhyi.

page 426

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 4, No. 9, 1945
(Resume)

This issue of the journal is 44 pages long. It contains four theoretical articles, a list of people killed in battle, brief news items from different parts of Ukraine, a review of international events, a list of underground publications and an appeal to the reader. All articles are printed in the same size of type (10 point), while the titles are in various type sizes.

Thirty-six persons are listed as killed in battle, including 21 prominent UPA officers and 15 OUN activists and leaders of the armed underground. Among the UPA officers are the chief-of-staff of UPA-North - Gen. Leonid Stupnytskyi, the commander of the UPA-South General Military Region - Omelyan Hrabets ("Batko"), the UPA-West staff inspector - "Vadym", the UPA-South chiefs-of-staff - "Kropyva" and Mykola Svystun ("Yasen", "Yarbey"), nine UPA battalion commanders ("Storchan", "Mamay", "Dovbush", "Hamaliya", "Panko", "Yevshan", "Nechypir", Dmytro Karpenko - "Yastryb" and "Sabyuk"). The information provided about each individual includes his function, the place and date of death and some other facts.

"News Briefs from the Ukrainian Regions" consists of short items of information about measures taken by the Soviet administration and the terror spread by NKVD forces, of about battle actions carried out by Ukrainian self-defense and UPA units. Most of the information is about UPA battle actions which occurred in the second half of 1944 and during January-February of 1945.

"Review of International Political Events" is a section of brief commentaries about world politics, such as the Crimea Conference, British and American foreign policy, the Soviet policy of subjugating Finland, the Baltic states, Romania, Poland and other Central European countries, Soviet relations with Turkey, the situation in Western Europe, the neutral states, the Arab countries and in Latin America.

In this article, the author analyzes Soviet policy in the occupied states of Central Europe and the transformation of the USSR into a traditional Russian empire. Soviet propaganda claims that the Soviet army liberated the Central European countries form Fascism and social exploitation. On the surface, this may appear to be true, since the Soviets have established temporary governments in all these countries, with state administration, own police and army units and changes, leading to social reforms. However, in reality, this is not liberation, but a new form of occupation, no better than German occupation. In Poland, for example, the Soviets have handed over power to a small circle of communists and obedient opportunists who are under control of the NKVD. They mercilessly persecute true patriots, including members of the Armia Krajowa (Home Army), which waged underground resistance against the German occupation. Social reforms are being introduced according to a "revised" version of Lenin's tactics, which consists of the following stages: at first - persecution of the fascists, then - of the "bourgeoisie and landowners", them - of the "kulaks and petty bourgeoisie" and so on, while simultaneously - of nationally conscious leaders, who are replaced by soulless bureaucrats. In Poland, "land reform" was introduced very rapidly in order to sow conflict among the peasants. This policy is successful, because society is disoriented, disunited and powerless under conditions of absolute police rule and lack of freedom of the press. The Western countries do not protest these policies, because they are jubilant about the end of the war and gave already grown accustomed to the Soviet's "social experimentation." Thus, the USSR is making use of post-war confusion in Europe to turn the countries it has occupied into obedient colonies similar to its own Soviet republics.

The author discusses in particular detail the transformation of the USSR into a traditional Russian empire. His analysis makes the following eight points. In the USSR, all rule is now in the hands of Russians and russified foreigners, who praise everything that is Russian, including the conquests of Russian tsars, and mercilessly suppress the culture and patriotism of non-Russian peoples. The empire is being cemented together through assimilation and russification, in order to produce a single entity, that is, a single (Russian) language, state, motherland, patriotism, order, culture, etc. For the purpose of export, in order to confuse the populations of the newly-conquered countries, there is a return to the ideas of pan-Slavism and Orthodoxy. The Soviet economy has a colonial structure, with important industry enterprises located primarily in Russian, while the non-Russian republics supply raw material. The communist idea of the proletariat's struggle for "liberation" is now being realized with the help of the army bureaucracy and mass terror, according to the tsarist Russian schemes for annexing new states and countries. Under the guise of "liberation" from Hitler, Russia is annexing new countries, and behind its mask of social reform, it is destroying their national social structures. Foreign Communist parties, through their activity in labor unions, are used to weaken the USSR's opponents, or for creating diversion and subjugating new countries. Soviet policy, much like that of Russia, aims at dividing the world into spheres of influence and legitimizing this situation through international agreements and organizations (the UN, and veto power in its Security Council).

The author sympathizes with the nations which have been conquered by the Soviet army and now find themselves in the same state of slavery as do the nations of the USSR. However, he sees in this better prospects for all enslaved nations. Western Europe will quickly realize that it is mortally threatened by Russian imperialism and will organize resistance. Also, the newly conquered nations will recover from their confusion and begin a struggle for liberation, together with the nations of the USSR. The author predicts that sooner of later, this struggle will lead to the collapse of the empire.

The author's real name is Dmytro Mayivskyi.

The author begins with the premise that in the post-war world, there will be two opposing powers - the empires and the enslaved nations. The empires appear to be strong, because they are well organized and have material resources. However, they are in crises, because they cannot solve the problems of lack of freedom, social justice, economic prosperity and other important issues, now causing pain worldwide. The strength of the enslaved nations is at present only in its moral and spontaneous area; it is not yet conscious or organized. Once realized, it will have its chance of winning. On the basis of this premise, the author analyzed the prospects of the enslaved nations of the Soviet empire.

He starts by examining the political development of the USSR, especially in Ukraine. Instead of the autonomy and democracy they promised, the Soviets have brought rigid centralization and dictatorship by a clique, composed of the Party, administrative and military elite. The economy is in the hands of soulless apparatchiks, who treat workers as slaves, deprived of all rights. Ukrainian communists, who were counting on the Soviets, have been mercilessly eradicated. Also destroyed in church and Ukrainian cultural life. The ruling Communist Party of Ukraine is not Ukrainian in spirit; it is implementing a policy of russification and assimilation. The situation is similar in all other non-Russian republics of the USSR. The author concludes that the Soviet system is bankrupt, because it has not resolved the issue of freedom, nor social or national questions.

Now the USSR has seized a number of Central European countries. There it is erecting an apparatus of enslavement and, under the mask of reform, destroying the existing social structure. However, theses nations have had their own states and it will be more difficult to subjugate them, than the nations of the former Russian empire. They are already showing solidarity in struggling for their rights and making use of economic reconstruction and social reforms for their emancipation. New leaders are surfacing from among the peasants and workers. This resistance will increase as the Soviets consolidate their rule among the peasants of the population come to understand their miserable situation and total lack of rights. The different streams of resistance will join together to form a flood which will sweep away the empire. In the author's view, liberation policy must strive to transform the spontaneous resistance in individual countries of the Russian empire into a conscious, organized struggle aimed at establishing independent states of all the enslaved nations.

The author's real name is Yakiv Busel.

In the view of the author of this article, it was renewed the Russian empire in the form of the USSR. The Bolsheviks at first considered the nationality question unimportant. that is why the Revolution of 1917 in Russia, which became a movement for emancipation of the non-Russian people, caught them by surprise. Only at that tome, during the Seventh Congress of the Communist Party, was the nationality question seriously regarded for the first time as a critical factor in the empire. In principle, the Congress recognized the right of non-Russian nations to separate, but with the reservation that this must not harm the interests of the proletarian revolution (that is, the empire). In fact, Lenin agreed only to the separation of Finland, and then of Poland and the Baltic states, as these countries were considered more expendable. But when it came to Ukraine, Byelarus, the Caucasus and Central Asia, Lenin attempted to nip any attempt at independence in the bud. The author cites at length from Lenin's writings, demonstrating his intention to renew the Russian empire.

Analyzing current Soviet policy, the author shows that Stalin continues to apply the imperial policy, put into place by Lenin. He rejects the Stalinist type of autonomy and proposes a system of free national states for all the enslaved nations of the USSR.

The author's real name in not known.

In this article, the author describes Stalin's and Hitler's policy towards Ukraine during the Second World War. Both leaders used the war for the annihilation of the Ukrainian people. The author provides evidence that on this score, the two imperial powers cooperated with each other in spite of their conflict.

As is clearly illustrated by military training manuals, the Nazis regarded the Slavs as members of a lower race and planned to eradicate or deport them beyond the Urals, while turning Eastern Europe into a "Promised Land" for the Germans. Their attention was focused in particular on Ukraine, which has an attractive climate and abundant natural resources. When they occupied Ukraine, the Nazis began to implement their inhuman policy. They suspended almost all cultural activity, limited education to elementary schooling and disrupted medical and other services of benefit to the population. The economy was to work only for German needs and the population in the cities and villages was given limited ration of left to starve. This policy was applied by means of terror, public beatings and torture, mass executions, burning and massacres of whole villages where resistance occurred. Whole segments of the population were exterminated - at first, Red Army prisoners-of-war, Jews, Gypsies and some other groups; then, the most active elements of the population were sent to concentration camps, prisons and camps for ostarbeiter (forced workers form the "East") in Germany, where many died from torture, hunger and disease.

Similarly, the Soviets were eradicating the Ukrainian population through direct or indirect means. During their retreat, NKVD units shot thousands of political prisoners, inside prisons or in transport. They also arrested and executed many nationally conscious Ukrainians, in order to prevent them form "betraying the fatherland". At Stalin's order, whole factories and goods, including cattle and food, were moved out of Ukraine or destroyed, without regard for the fact that they were the population's means of survival. The NKVD also executed large numbers of Red Army soldiers, who, usually through no fault of their own, had been separated from their units during the German advance. Soviet partisans burned Ukrainian villages and killed those suspected of helping the Ukrainian resistance.

The author also mentions Stalin's cooperation with Hitler at the beginning of the war and their agreement on how to divide up their spheres of influence. During the war, undercover NKVD agents helped the German police to arrest and execute nationally conscious Ukrainians, or provoked mass arrests and executions.

The author's real name is Petro Duzhyi.

page 525

IDEA I CHYN, Vol. 5, No. 10, 1946
(Resume)

This issue of Ideya i chyn, the largest issue of the journal, has 76 pages, almost three times more than on average. Published here are the Resolutions of the OUN Leadership Conference in Ukraine (June 1946), three political articles and a detailed, 13-page chronicle of events in Ukraine.

The issue begins with two obituaries - about Dmytro Mayivskyi and Gen. Dmytro Hrytsay. Dmytro Mayibskiy a former editor of the journal, was an OUN activist and member of the OUN Leadership Bureau. He was a talented journalist. Several of his article had been published in Idea i chyn. Gen. Dmytro Hrytsay was the UPA Chief-of-Staff and a member of the OUN Leadership. They died after being captured in Czechoslovakia while on a mission to Western Europe.

The subtitle of this article reads: "Selected Text". The Published resolutions include three subchapters, which give an overview of the international situation, the situation in the USSR and in Ukraine.

The basic argument in the analysis of the international situation states that the postwar world had formed itself into two politically hostile blocs of states: the Anglo-Saxon bloc and the Russian-Soviet bloc. The Russian bloc is led by the USSR, and the Anglo-Saxon bloc is headed by the United States. The areas of conflict are China, Korea and Japan in the Pacific; Iran, Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt and the Balkans in the Near East; and in Europe, the states occupied by the USSR. At present, we see sharp ideological confrontation between the blocs as they try to build up their strength. In the future, one of these blocs may decide to begin an armed conflict.

Regardless of Western protests, the USSR is consolidating its power in the newly occupied states through terror. The new sixth five-year plan ignores the needs of the population, which has been impoverished by war, and aims at building up the Soviet war potential, in order to equal the Americans. All finical resources are directed towards armaments, the military and efforts to undermine the West. The people, including war invalids, live in extreme poverty. In order to keep the population in a state of subjugation, police terror has been increased. As for its nationality policy, Russian hegemony over other nations of the USSR is propagated openly in the name of the "Soviet people".

In Ukraine, the Soviet "government" put sizable NKVD forces into battle against the UPA. During the Winter of 1946 they blockaded all villages on the territory of UPA operations and kept strict control over the population. UPA units and the resistance network suffered large human losses, but were not destroyed. Many Ukrainians were forcibly deported from Poland to the USSR. The regime is using all possible means to intensify russification, especially in the large cities, in which also a mixing of the population takes place. Ukrainians are mobilized to work in different parts of the USSR, while Russians are sent to do similar work in Ukraine. The sixth five-year plan directs financial resources at rebuilding the mining industry, to the detriment of production of consumer goods and reconstruction of destroyed villages and cities.

In this article, the author explains the revolutionary, that is, progressive, nature of Ukrainian nationalism (the OUN program). Nationalism is a spiritual and philosophical movement, fighting for the spiritual rebirth of the Ukrainian nation, and a social and political movement fighting for the political, cultural and economic liberation of its people. Its aims and methods are revolutionary; the author categorizes them into seven revolutionary elements.

The most important revolutionary elements of nationalism is its basic aim - the establishment of an independent, united Ukrainian state. This aim is revolutionary, because it strives to lead the Ukrainian people out of a state of "non-existence", give them the possibility of national and cultural development, establish a democratic and socially just state system, bring about a spiritual rebirth of the Ukrainian nation and change the distribution of political power in Eastern Europe, which will also benefit the other enslaved nations. The author emphasizes that in their efforts to attain this aim, the nationalists maintain "strict adherence to principle". Other revolutionary elements of nationalism include (2) the battle for the spiritual rebirth of the nation, (3) use of force in battle methods applied against the occupying power, (4) reliance on the local population as the basic support for the liberation struggle, (5) the battle in Ukraine proper under all conditions, because this is the determining factor, in the liberation struggle, (6) the focus for inspiration must be on humanity's greatest achievements in political and social theory and practice and (7) high moral demands upheld by OUN members. The author discusses all of these "revolutionary elements" in some detail.

The author's real name (just recently established) in Maj. Petro Fedun. member of the OUN Leadership and Deputy Head of the UHVR General Secretariat, he acquired a reputation as the leading theoretician of the Ukrainian armed resistance. This article was one of his first theoretical works, in which he propagated the idea of an independent Ukraine with a democratic and socially just order that, in his words, would lead to a "classless society".

In this article, the author discusses the claim made by dialectical materialism that it is "scientific" in nature. He refers to new scientific theories and discoveries which have altered or contradicted Marx's theories.

The author speaks at greatest length about the situation in the USSR, where dialectical materialism is recognized as the only correct theory and where methods of scientific research are based on it. As a result, scientific research was subjected to dogmatism and had declined, especially in the social sciences, on which the Party keeps a watchful eye. Official propaganda makes blatant use of science and of its authority in order to confuse the lay person with pseudo-scientific formulas and citations.

The author's real name is not know. His writings began to appear only after the German retreat. It appears that he was killed in unknown circumstances in the Carpathian mountains during the winter of 1951-1952.

In this article, the author discusses Russian racism and the policy of russification of non-Russian nations, which in the post-war period became the official policy of the USSR. he examines this policy in detail, as applied throughout the empire and specifically in Ukraine.

The official signal for the start of this campaign was the toast Stalin made in honor of the Russian people on may 24, 1945. Stalin named the Russian people "the most eminent of all the nations" of the USSR and praised their "clear intelligence, steady determination and patience". After this toast, the media went even further in praising all things Russian. New "giants" and "inventors" appeared in Russian science, "geniuses" in Russian literature, "brilliant leaders" in the Russian army and so on. Russia's wars of conquest were now presented as "progressive" and "war of liberation", and the most brutal tsars were characterized as "brilliant" rulers of Russia. new theories appeared about the "leading role of the Russians", the "progressive character" of the empire and, in the non-Russian states, the superior nature and "noble influence" of Russian culture, sciences and literature on these nations and upon the world. In accord with this campaign, all textbooks, encyclopedias and other reference works were rewritten, while old works were destroyed. New literary works and popular writings appeared, voicing these ideas. while those authors, who had presented views different form these in the past, now found themselves under attack or were arrested and sent to concentration camps.

Russification and even the elimination of non-Russian nations became even mare forceful, feverish and merciless. Entire small nations were deported from their autonomous republics - Crimean Tatars, Chechens, Ingush, Kalmyks and others, while their lands were settled predominantly by Russians. In the larger republics, russification was no less insistent, although extended over a period of year. Ukraine lost close to 12 million people as a result of the 1933 Famine, Stalinist terror and war. After the war, a mass transfer into Ukraine of Russian and non-Ukrainian population was carried out, while Ukrainians were sent to live and work all over the USSR. In the larger Ukrainian cities, the Russian language was brought into offices and factories; almost all institutions of higher learning and many secondary schools are now russified. Once more, a strong campaign is being waged against scholars and writers, to get them to "correct" their works in keeping with the new Party orientation (Russian racism). The media in Ukraine is obliged to praise to use official textbooks. All of this takes place in an atmosphere of sate-authorized police terror, in which everyone is considered guilty for having lived under German occupation.

The real name of the author is Osyp Dyakiv. A new author on the pages of the journal and a leading publicist of the Ukrainian resistance, he was also a member of the OUN Leadership and activist of the UHVR General Secretariat.

This section consists of three subchapters, titled: "Soviet Atrocities", "Armed Struggle" and "Heroism of the Ukrainian Liberation Struggle". The news items provide brief information in two to six lines about various events, giving their place, date and other details.

The subchapter "Soviet Atrocities" provides facts about NKVD terror applied against the population, often completely innocent people. The acts described here include open murder, public tortures, burning of farms, etc., as well as acts of such vandalism, as destruction of property and graves of killed insurgents. The name of the victims, and often also of the perpetrators, are provided. About 50 incidents are described, occurring in different oblast during the first half of 1946.

The subchapter entitled "Armed Struggle" catalogues over 100 battles and skirmishes of UPA units and the armed underground with those of the NKVD. There are also some longer descriptions: the 1946 winter blockade of the territory of UPA operations, the raid by UPA units into Slovakia, and deportation of Ukrainians from the UPA battles on Polish territory. This information was collected in various oblasts and in Poland between October 15, 1945 and the end of June 1946.

The subchapter "Heroism of the Ukrainian Liberation Struggle" cites more than 60 cases of exceptional dedication, endurance and heroism shown by insurgents or civilians. Each case is described in five to eight lines. Most often, these concern the actions of insurgents who were discovered in their hiding places or surrounded by the enemy and them courageously resisted until they managed to escape or had to end their lives. There are also descriptions of battle actions of insurgents who inflicted heavy losses on the enemy and survived the encounter. Several other descriptions concern civilians or insurgents who withstood inhuman tortures without betraying others.

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